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Item Review of international assistance to political party and party system development(Overseas Development Institute, 2010) Wild, Leni; Golooba-Mutebi, FredUgandan party politics remains heavily shaped by the country’s history of periods of enforced party inactivity interspersed with shifts towards multi-party politics. Over the last five years, there has been a move towards the re-establishment of multi-party politics, but political parties in general remain weak, with poor internal organisation, few effective links to citizens and, for opposition parties, a lack of access to funding. The ruling party has struggled to transition from an all-encompassing movement to a functioning political party, and its fusion with the state remains a key governance issue. Arguably for support to political parties to effectively strengthen the party system (and support wider governance reforms), it needs to engage with these core challenges. In this context, external actors have engaged in a range of forms of party assistance; this has increased since the 2005 shift towards multi-party politics. There is a wide variety in the types of support provided, but they can be loosely categorised as involving party to party support, technical assistance and newer forms of support involving direct grant-making and inter-party dialogue. Party to party support links parties in European countries with those in Uganda. These programmes seek ideologically similar parties in the Ugandan context and use many of the standard methods of support, including training, workshops and exchange visits. Programmes focused on technical assistance to parties, in contrast, commonly work in a crossparty, nonpartisan way, focused on specific areas such as internal procedures, or aspects of communication and public relations. Common methods include the use of training, external consultants and workshops.Item The Politcs of Promoting Social Protection in Uganda: A Case of the Cash Transfer Scheme for Elderly People(Partnership for African Social and Governance Research, 2015) Angucia, Margaret; Katusiimeh, Mesharch W.This study examines the different actors and their roles in shaping policy on social protection (SP) in Uganda by examining the experiences with the Senior Citizens Grant (SCG) of the Social Assistance Grant for Empowerment (SAGE)—a cash transfer programme for elderly people that is at a pilot stage. Data were derived from a review of key documents and published literature on social protection in Uganda supported by semi-structured interviews, a survey and focus group discussions with SCG beneficiaries, political actors, technocrats and members of the civil society. Study findings show that there is a visible effort by the government to work towards a coordinated approach to social protection. Donors are key in the implementation and financing of social protection in Uganda, and also in policy advocacy and influence. Implementation of cash transfers to the elderly is changing the perceptions of some influential groups including the political elite previously sceptical of cash handouts. However, key sections of the elite especially in the Ministry of Finance are still sceptical about the government’s capacity to finance a national rollout of the cash transfer programme. The priority of government, according to the National Development Plan, favours infrastructural and energy sectors and it is highly unlikely that in the short to medium term resources may be found to rollout the universal social protection schemes countrywide. However, studies indicate that if government chooses, social pensions can be rolled out in Uganda to every senior citizen (65+) without re-prioritising existing spending. Amidst challenges of a patronage political system, social protection could gain traction in Uganda if a political decision is made for wealth redistribution other than the current pro-growth policies.Item Uganda’s 2006 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections(Chr. Michelsen Institute, 2006) Gloppen, S.; Atoo, C.; Kasimbazi, E.; Kibandama, A.; Kiiza, J.; Makara, S.; Okiror, G.; Rakner, L.; Rwengabo, S.; Svåsand, L.; Tabaro, R.; Tostensen, A.On Thursday 23 February 2006 Ugandan voters decided who will govern for the next five years.1 These were the first multi-party elections in the country since 1980 and marked the end of 20 years of “no-party democracy”.2 It was also the first tripartite elections, with voters electing the President and parliamentary representatives (including special seats for women) on the same day. An important day indeed,3 but elections are more than the casting and counting of votes. Much is decided in the weeks and months prior to election day, and events in the aftermath of the polling may alter the outcome. To judge an election on the basis of a narrow focus on the polling and tallying of results, and perhaps the last part of the campaign, often yields a very different verdict than if the basis for analysis is the broader process, where the parameters and structures are set that underpin and restrain the electoral process. This report analyses the 2006 presidential and parliamentary election in terms of the broader process starting with the processes of setting the rule for political contestation, through the registration of voters and parties, the nomination of parties and candidates, the campaign, the voting, counting and tallying and finally, the handling of election complaints. The report shows how problems and irregularities at various stages of the election cycle tilted the playing field and compromised the integrity of the 2006 elections. The report comes out of research collaboration between the departments of Political Science and Public Administration, Public and Comparative Law (Makerere University) and the Chr. Michelsen Institute in Bergen, Norway. The project analyses the development of democratic processes in Uganda by focusing on institutions aimed at securing democratic accountability. To ensure that elected political leaders ‘play by the rules’ and act in accordance with their mandate without violating citizens’ rights, is a key challenge for new democracies in sub-Saharan Africa, and elections and succession ‘test’ the strength of political institutions to check against executive dominance. In many cases incumbents find ways to win electoral mandates without opening for genuine political competition, and we ask to what extent the institutions established to guard against executive dominance in Uganda were able to exercise their functions in the context of the 2006 elections.