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Item Uganda Local Government Councils Score Card Report 2009/10: Political Accountability, Representation and the State of Service Delivery(ACODE Policy Research Series, 2011) Tumushabe, Godber W.; Muyomba-Tamale, Lillian; Ssemakula, EugeneThe Local Government Councils’ Score-card is an innovative action-research initiative that assesses the performance of local government councils in Uganda. This report presents finding of the second score-card covering the FY2009/10. The report builds on the first local government councils score-card report first published in 2010 covering 10 districts. The 2009/10 score-card covers a total of 20 districts evenly distributed across Uganda and selected based on standard criteria. The score-card assesses the performance of local government councils and their respective organs that comprise the district chairperson, the district speaker and the individual councilors. The council is also assessed as a cooporate body. These organs are assessed on mainly four issues which are part of the core mandate of the local governments under the Local Government Act. These include: financial management and oversight; political functions and representation; legislative, legislation and related functions; development planning and; constituency servicing and monitoring service delivery. The score-card methodology combines the literature review, inception meetings, interviews and focus group discussions as the primary approaches for collecting data and information on the performance of district councils. The approach ensures the participation of councilors and other interest groups in conducting the assessment. In this regard, the score-card is a living document with the flexibility to evolve and develop over time and be able to incorporate adjustments along the wayItem Deepening Democracy and Enhancing Sustainable Livelihoods in Uganda: an Independent Review of the Performance of Special Interest Groups in Parliament(ACODE Policy Research Series, 2006) Bainomugisha, Arthur; Mushemeza, Elijah D.Uganda is currently going through a political transition process. To most political commentators, yet another milestone in the democratic development of a country whose 44 years of post-independence period have been marred by political anarchy and violence. After almost 20 years under a no-party political system, Uganda has reintroduced a multiparty political system. Most political analysts have observed that the way the political transition and constitutional reforms are handled will determine whether or not Uganda will have a peaceful democratic transition and consolidation of democracy. Critical in the constitutional reform and political transition processes is the institution of Parliament which is central to the amendment of the 1995 Constitution to provide for the necessary political reforms. The legislature in any democratic society is considered the most fundamental arm of the state in promoting democratic governance. Parliament in true democracies serves to secure the foundations of democracy by translating the will of the people into the law of land. At its core, the legislature is a mirror of society’s soul. The question is how to ensure that the composition of the legislature and the decisions it makes are a true reflection of the will of all people whom this body is designed to represent. The Parliament of Uganda, like in most post-conflict societies, is well placed to provide a mechanism for conflict prevention and management by creating conditions for sustainable development and stability. The composition of the sixth and seventh Parliament of Uganda was very diverse. Both parliaments were composed of directly elected members of Parliament and representatives of special interests groups such as women, persons with disability, workers, youths and the army elected under the principle of affirmative action to represent the voices of the marginalized.Item Review of international assistance to political party and party system development(Overseas Development Institute, 2010) Wild, Leni; Golooba-Mutebi, FredUgandan party politics remains heavily shaped by the country’s history of periods of enforced party inactivity interspersed with shifts towards multi-party politics. Over the last five years, there has been a move towards the re-establishment of multi-party politics, but political parties in general remain weak, with poor internal organisation, few effective links to citizens and, for opposition parties, a lack of access to funding. The ruling party has struggled to transition from an all-encompassing movement to a functioning political party, and its fusion with the state remains a key governance issue. Arguably for support to political parties to effectively strengthen the party system (and support wider governance reforms), it needs to engage with these core challenges. In this context, external actors have engaged in a range of forms of party assistance; this has increased since the 2005 shift towards multi-party politics. There is a wide variety in the types of support provided, but they can be loosely categorised as involving party to party support, technical assistance and newer forms of support involving direct grant-making and inter-party dialogue. Party to party support links parties in European countries with those in Uganda. These programmes seek ideologically similar parties in the Ugandan context and use many of the standard methods of support, including training, workshops and exchange visits. Programmes focused on technical assistance to parties, in contrast, commonly work in a crossparty, nonpartisan way, focused on specific areas such as internal procedures, or aspects of communication and public relations. Common methods include the use of training, external consultants and workshops.Item The Politcs of Promoting Social Protection in Uganda: A Case of the Cash Transfer Scheme for Elderly People(Partnership for African Social and Governance Research, 2015) Angucia, Margaret; Katusiimeh, Mesharch W.This study examines the different actors and their roles in shaping policy on social protection (SP) in Uganda by examining the experiences with the Senior Citizens Grant (SCG) of the Social Assistance Grant for Empowerment (SAGE)—a cash transfer programme for elderly people that is at a pilot stage. Data were derived from a review of key documents and published literature on social protection in Uganda supported by semi-structured interviews, a survey and focus group discussions with SCG beneficiaries, political actors, technocrats and members of the civil society. Study findings show that there is a visible effort by the government to work towards a coordinated approach to social protection. Donors are key in the implementation and financing of social protection in Uganda, and also in policy advocacy and influence. Implementation of cash transfers to the elderly is changing the perceptions of some influential groups including the political elite previously sceptical of cash handouts. However, key sections of the elite especially in the Ministry of Finance are still sceptical about the government’s capacity to finance a national rollout of the cash transfer programme. The priority of government, according to the National Development Plan, favours infrastructural and energy sectors and it is highly unlikely that in the short to medium term resources may be found to rollout the universal social protection schemes countrywide. However, studies indicate that if government chooses, social pensions can be rolled out in Uganda to every senior citizen (65+) without re-prioritising existing spending. Amidst challenges of a patronage political system, social protection could gain traction in Uganda if a political decision is made for wealth redistribution other than the current pro-growth policies.Item Uganda’s 2006 Presidential and Parliamentary Elections(Chr. Michelsen Institute, 2006) Gloppen, S.; Atoo, C.; Kasimbazi, E.; Kibandama, A.; Kiiza, J.; Makara, S.; Okiror, G.; Rakner, L.; Rwengabo, S.; Svåsand, L.; Tabaro, R.; Tostensen, A.On Thursday 23 February 2006 Ugandan voters decided who will govern for the next five years.1 These were the first multi-party elections in the country since 1980 and marked the end of 20 years of “no-party democracy”.2 It was also the first tripartite elections, with voters electing the President and parliamentary representatives (including special seats for women) on the same day. An important day indeed,3 but elections are more than the casting and counting of votes. Much is decided in the weeks and months prior to election day, and events in the aftermath of the polling may alter the outcome. To judge an election on the basis of a narrow focus on the polling and tallying of results, and perhaps the last part of the campaign, often yields a very different verdict than if the basis for analysis is the broader process, where the parameters and structures are set that underpin and restrain the electoral process. This report analyses the 2006 presidential and parliamentary election in terms of the broader process starting with the processes of setting the rule for political contestation, through the registration of voters and parties, the nomination of parties and candidates, the campaign, the voting, counting and tallying and finally, the handling of election complaints. The report shows how problems and irregularities at various stages of the election cycle tilted the playing field and compromised the integrity of the 2006 elections. The report comes out of research collaboration between the departments of Political Science and Public Administration, Public and Comparative Law (Makerere University) and the Chr. Michelsen Institute in Bergen, Norway. The project analyses the development of democratic processes in Uganda by focusing on institutions aimed at securing democratic accountability. To ensure that elected political leaders ‘play by the rules’ and act in accordance with their mandate without violating citizens’ rights, is a key challenge for new democracies in sub-Saharan Africa, and elections and succession ‘test’ the strength of political institutions to check against executive dominance. In many cases incumbents find ways to win electoral mandates without opening for genuine political competition, and we ask to what extent the institutions established to guard against executive dominance in Uganda were able to exercise their functions in the context of the 2006 elections.